McVeigh's Death Wish
by RUSSELL WATSON
Newsweek, April 9, 2001, page 44
The death penalty is an issue that provokes surprisingly
little public debate in the United States, except when a celebrated murderer--or someone
who may have been convicted wrongly--is up for execution. Then the controversy flares
again, at least for a news cycle or two. But even staunch opponents of capital punishment
may be willing to make an exception in the case of Timothy McVeigh, who is scheduled to
die on May 16. McVeigh, now 32, was convicted of blowing up a government office building
in Oklahoma City six years ago, killing 168 people, including 19 small children in a
day-care center. It was the bloodiest act of terrorism in American history, and according
to a new biography, McVeigh is not sorry for what he did. He dismisses the dead babies as
mere "collateral damage" and brags that he timed the bomb to go off when the
building was full of people. "I did it for the larger good," he declares. The
authors of the book, Lou Michel and Dan Herbeck, are newspaper reporters in Buffalo, New
York, McVeigh's hometown. They interviewed him in prison for 75 hours all told, extracting
his first public confession of guilt for the bombing. Their book, to be published in the
United States this week, is called "American Terrorist: Timothy McVeigh and the
Oklahoma City Bombing." McVeigh confirms that the bombing was revenge for two lethal
actions by the FBI: the fiery raid on the compound of the Branch Davidian sect in Waco,
Texas, in 1993, in which about 80 people died, and a 1992 siege at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, in
which the wife and son of a white separatist were killed. The U.S. government, says
McVeigh, was a "bully" that had to be taught a lesson.
Although he had help in preparing the bomb (two accomplices were sentenced to prison),
McVeigh insists he set it off all by himself. "It was my choice... to hit that
building when it was full," he says. Borrowing a Jack Nicholson line from the film
"A Few Good Men" (which he saw on cable TV in prison), he snarls at people who
think he could not have acted alone. "You can't handle the truth," he says,
"because the truth is, it was just me."
After his conviction, McVeigh was sent to a high-security prison in Colorado called
Supermax. There he shared a special cellblock with three other mass murderers: Theodore
Kaczynski, the technophobic Unabomber; Ramzi Ahmed Yousef, serving a 240-year sentence for
his role in the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center in New York City, and Luis Felipe,
leader of a brutal street gang who allegedly ordered murders from a prison cell, including
one beheading. One autograph seeker sent McVeigh a newspaper clipping with photographs of
all four men. McVeigh cheerily wrote on it: "The A-Team! T.J.M."
The four killers took outdoor exercise in separate cages about 10 feet apart, which
enabled them to talk. McVeigh got to know Kaczynski the best, exchanging philosophical
views with the 57-year-old former scientist, whose mail bombs killed three people, earning
him four consecutive life sentences. Later Kaczynski wrote an 11-page letter to Michel and
Herbeck. In it, he says McVeigh "had excellent social skills" and ideas that
"seemed rational and sensible." But the Unabomber quibbles with McVeigh's choice
of target, which caused a large loss of life. "I will say that I think the bombing
was a bad action," Kaczynski writes, "because it was unnecessarily
inhumane."
McVeigh admits he didn't notice the day-care center located right above the spot where he
parked his bomb-laden truck, the fuses already burning smokily. But he insists the
government had to be defied. "Once you bloody the bully's nose," McVeigh says,
"he's not coming back." Not that McVeigh dislikes children. In prison, he
considered starting a family of his own by smuggling out some of his sperm for artificial
insemination. He gave up the idea when he concluded that life in America "would be
hell" for any child of his.
If it goes ahead as planned, McVeigh's execution will be the first by the federal
government since 1963. (In the intervening years, hundreds of executions have been carried
out by individual states, with Texas far ahead of the field.) McVeigh, a former soldier
who fought in the Persian Gulf, says he is eager to die. He envisions his execution as
"a deluxe suicide-by-cop package." He expects that families of his victims will
press for his execution to be shown to them on closed-circuit television. "If they do
that, I'm going to throw it back in their face," he says. "I'm going to demand
they televise it nationally." McVeigh fancies himself dying on "60 Minutes"
or CNN. He is annoyed that Congress will not allow him to be buried honorably in an
armed-forces cemetery. He shows no sign of understanding the difference between fame and
infamy.